Mrauk-U is another interesting historical site in Rakhine, fast becoming a tourist attraction. Mrauk-U was founded in 1430 AD and flourished till 1785 as recorded in its history. Known as the Golden City by foreign travelers of the era it was a focus of trade due to its strategic on the coastal region of Bay of Bengal. Many historical sites such as the old palace grounds and ancient pagodas principally Shitthoung Pagoda (Eighty thousand pagodas), the old city of Vesali, the Mahamuni Image of Kyauktaw offers a glimpse into the Rakhine history.


          A new tourist site which is becoming increasingly more popular in recent years is the old capital of Rakhine (Arakan) called Mrauk-U. Some of the local people refer to it as Myo ( or Mro) Haung, the old city. It was first constructed by the Rakhine King Min Saw Mon in 1430 AD, and remained its capital for 355 years until 1784 when the Rakhine Kingdom ceased to exist as a separate entity and became an integral part of the Myanmar Kingdom.

          The Golden City of Mrauk-U became known in Europe as a city of oriental splendour after Friar Sebastien Manrique visited the area for about (8) years between 1629 to 1637 AD and though he was a Portuguese Augustinian missionary he wrote his fascinating "Travels" in Spanish and published it as a book in 1649 and 1653. Father Manrique's vivid account of the coronation of king Thiri Thudhamma in 1635 and about the Rakhine Court and intrigues of the Portuguese adventurers fired the imagination of later authors, especially after an English translation was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1927 in 2 volumes. In Volume One of this English translation we can read the intriguing account of Rakhine in mid-17^th century. Manrique wrote of his astonishment when he was shown a pair of pendant ear-rings, set with priceless rubies as large as a small hen's egg. He said when he beheld these kyauk-nagats he could scarcely fix his eyes on them due to the radiant spendour they cast; he just stood amazed. In the markets also he saw "being sold in abundance, diamonds rubies, sapphires, emeralds, topazes, gold and silver in plates and bars, tin and zinc,"which were very difficult to get in his home country.

          It was the English author Maurice Collis who made Mrauk-U and Rakhine famous after his book The Land of the Great Image based on Friar Manrique's travels in Arakan, was published in 1942. The Great Image is of course, the Maha Muni Buddha Image which is now in Mandalay, though originally it was made and venerated in this area about 15 miles from Mrauk-U where another Maha Muni Buddha Image flanked by two other Buddha images is now worshipped. You can visit this place also on the hillock called Sirigutta, about (6) miles east of Kyauktaw town.


How to get there

          About ten years ago it was difficult to travel to this area but you can easily visit Mrauk-U now. From Yangon there are daily flights to Sittway the capital of Rakhine State. There are Travel and Tour Companies in Yangon and Sittway which operate tours to Mrauk-U and the surrounding area.

          In Sittway you should visit the newly built Rakhine State Cultural Museum and Library and the Buddhist Museum where many interesting antiquities of Rakhine's colourful past are on display.

          From Sittway to Mrauk-U you can take a boat on the Kaladan River and then go into some of its tributary streams. Mrauk-U, on Thinghanadi creek is only 45 miles from Sittway and the sea coast. It is a very pleasant river journey. If you are visiting in the winter months you can see flocks of wild geese, ducks and other migrating waterfowl. To the east of the old city is the famous Kiccapanadi stream and far away the Lemro River. The city area used to have a network of canals.

          In Mrauk-U itself you can visit the Archaeological Museum which is near the Palace Site. This site is right in the centre of Mrauk-U which was built in a strategic location by levelling three small hills. Recently the Archaeology Department has been excavating the Palace Site which was occupied by Rakhine Kings for over two hundred years.

          Even the pagodas are strategically located on hilltops and look like fortresses as indeed they were once used as such in times of enemy intrusion. There are moats, artificial lakes and canals and the whole area could be flooded to deter or repulse attackers.

          There are innumerable pagodas and Buddha images all over the old city and the surrounding hills. Some are still being used as places of worship today; many in ruins are now being restored to their original splendour. You should at least visit some; the most famous and wellworth seing are the Shitthaung, the Andaw, the Dukkhan Thein (Sima or Ordination Hall), the Koethaung, the Laymyetnha and the Shwe Daung pagodas.

          The Shitthaung or "temple of the 80,000 Buddhas" is a fascinating place full of small images, scenes in sculpture of Buddhist stories with the kings and queens, courtiers and common people portrayed in their medieaval costumes and head-dresses, all frozen in stone throughout the ages. You should take a good torch-light to examine the myriad interesting scenes and figures lining the dark corridors of this temple. You can see some Rakhine men boxing and wrestling, some girls dancing and playing, and then there are also the mythical birds, beasts and half-human celestrials and demons. Try and find the figures of both the male and female Vasundhra/ Vasundhari symbolizing the God /Goddess of the Earth.

          The Shitthaung Pagoda, located about half a mile to the north of the palace site was built by one of the most powerful kings of the Mrauk-U Dynasty, called by the people, Minbargyi, but according to records on inscriptions as King Minbin who reigned from 1513 to 1553. The king built this fortress-temple after repulsing a Portuguese attack. The Portuguese mercanaries later served under Rakhine kings. There was also surprisingly an elite corp of Japanese bodyguards protecting the kings of Rakhine.

          The Andaw (meaning the tooth relic of Buddha) is a pagoda only 86 feet to the north-east of the Shitthaung Pagoda. Built by King Min Hla Raza in 1521 it is said to enshrine the tooth relic received from a Sri Lankan king by King Minbin.

          This temple is a hollow octagonal building made of pure sandstone blocks; there are two internal concentric passages, with a prayer hall on the east. Like other temples it is on a small hillock.

          Visitors should see the frescoes giving detailed portrayals of life in the Mrauk-U court; these frescoes are found in Laymyetnha and the Shwe Daung Pagoda. Laymyetnha Pagoda was built by King Min Saw Mon in 1430 AD as one of the original pagodas at the time of the founding of Mrauk-U. The name of the Pagoda means "Four faced" as there are four entrances to this square sandstone structure with a central solid stupa 80 feet high. There are 28 Buddha images as mentioned in the Sambuddha scripture.

          The Shwe Daung pagoda or the "Golden Hill Pagoda" is also believed to have been built by King Minbin between the years 1531-1553. It is a landmark pagoda as it is the tallest in this area and can be seen as far away as 20 miles from the main Kaladan River. The hill itself is 250 feet high and is about half a mile to the south-east of the Palace Site. It is a solid stupa with a circular base. During the First Anglo-Burmese War, 1824-26, the Myanmar forces built earthen fortifications on this hill and mounted guns which inflicted heavy losses on the British forces. Some of these fortifications can still be seen today.

          Standing on a plain of rice fields is the Koethaung Pagoda; the name means 90,000 and probably signified the number of Buddha images it was supposed to contain. It was built by King Min Taikkha, the son of King Min Bin who built the Shitthaung or temple of 80,000 images, so the son exceeded the father by 10,000! It is the biggest pagoda in the Mrauk-U area. Like the Shitthaung, this pagoda is also a massive fortress-like structure built with stone walls and terraces. There are 108 smaller pagodas surrounding it, all made of sandstone. With a winding corridor it is like a cave tunnel which you have to traverse until you reach the central chamber. The inner gallery has collapsed and is no longer accessible. There is an octagonal pagoda in the middle surrounded by over one hundred smaller pagodas. Unlike some of the other temples, not only sandstone, but bricks were also used in this pagoda.

          Apart from the pagodas, visitors should not miss seeing the Ordination Hall, Htukkan Thein, and the exquisite little library the Pitakataik. Htukkan (or Dukkhan) Thein is located about 300 feet to the north-west of Shitthaung Pagoda. Built in 1571 by King Min Phalaung it is on a hillock 30 feet high, with two stone stair ways (8) feet broad on the east and south.
 
          No longer used as an Ordination Hall, it is now one of the well-known pagodas of Mrauk-U. There is a long vaulted passageway which leads to the central shrine room which is 15 feet in height. This room is said to be the place where the Buddhist Archbishop used to sit to discuss religious affairs with Senior Monks. See the seated stone ladies preserving in sculpture the ancient hair-styles, among the many other interesting figures. There are also 140 niches with Buddha images.

          The little library or Pitaka-taik, the Repository for the Buddhist scriptures was built in 1591 also by king Min Phalaung. It measures only 14 feet from east to west, 10 feet from north to south and is only 9 feet in height. Built entirely of stone there are lovely designs on the outer walls making it look like a tiny jewelled casket shaped like a blooming lotus. There were 48 libraries in Mrauk-U but only this one is preserved, though it is sometimes obscured by thickets of bushes and partly covered by moss and weeds which flourish in the 200" of annual rainfall in the region.

          This library is reputed to have housed 30 sets of the Buddhist Tipitaka which King Narapatigyi (1638-1645) received from Sri Lanka. Unfortunately it acquired an unpleasant appellation due to its dark windowless interior. It is now known as Chin-kite library, Chin-kite meaning mosquito-bite. The Rakhine people say that Chin-kite is a Myanmar mispronunciation of the Rakhine word Khraung kaik, the name of the city wall which is close to the north of the library. If you have difficulty in finding this library ask for the Htupayon Pagoda as it is just north of this pagoda.

          The artificial, man-made lakes named Anomakan and Letsekan on the southern part of Mrauk-U were once part of the defence system. They are now peaceful havens for visitors as well as for the local people, and for animals, birds and fish. Letsekan is (3) miles in length and half a mile wide. Some of the old city walls can also be seen.

          The Portuguese and other Europeans were given a separate quarter at Mrauk-U, only about half a mile west of the palace site. The place is called Daingripet and this place for the European settlement is on the other bank of Aungdat creek. The old church built by Father Manrique, now in ruins, can still be seen in this place. It is near the Daingri tank built by King Ba Saw Phyu (1459-1482).

          Rakhine has other historical sites which are earlier than Mrauk-U, at Vesali, only 6 miles to the north, and at Launggret a little further away, but easily reached by car in about half an hour.

          If you are interested in spectacular places of historical interest and natural beauty Mrauk-U is the place. There are now comfortable hotels and guest houses where you can stay while exploring this ancient land, which was once a seat of oriental splendour.


Where to stay in Sittwe!

Gisspa Lodge U Uttama Road, Sittwe Ph: 21655	Prince Guest House 27 Main Street, Sittwe Ph: 21395
Mya Guest House Near The Central Market, Sittwe Ph: 21888	Sittwe Hotel Sittwe Ph: 21939
Palace Hotel 5 Main Road, Sittwe Ph: 21657	Sun & Moon Rest House Sittwe

Markets of Supply: Origins of Slaves

	Table 1. Company slave exports from the Indian subcontinent (Arakan/Bengal and the Coromandel Coast) in the seventeenth century * This list only represents Coromandel exports in so-called "boom" years. † Exported by private traders to Ceylon. Source: see footnote 25.

Markets of Demand: Destinations of Slaves

Routes to Slavery

Slave Occupations

Size of Dutch Slavery and Volume of the Slave Trade

Slave Resistance and Slave Revolt

Conclusion

^* This article has profited greatly from the numerous discussions by the participants of the International Conference on Slavery, Unfree Labour and Revolt in Asia and the Indian Ocean Region, University of Avignon, France, 4-6 October 2001. In particular, I would like to thank Richard Allen, Leonard Blussé, Richard Eaton, Hugo s'Jacob, Joseph Miller, John Wills Jr., and Nigel Worden for their useful suggestions and other contributions to earlier draft versions.

Notes

¹ François Valentijn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën, S. Keijzer ed. (The Hague, 1856), volume II, p. 46.

² Johannes Postma argues that the Dutch dominated the Atlantic slave trade during their control of northeast Brazil (1636-48) and their (in)direct acquisition of the asiento contract for Spanish America (1662-75 and 1686-89). See J. M. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600-1815 (New York, 1990), especially pp. 302-303. For the statement on the Dutch involvement in the Southeast Asian slave trade, see J. Fox, "'For Good and Sufficient Reasons': An Examination of Early Dutch East India Company Ordinances on Slaves and Slavery," in A. Reid ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast Asia (New York, 1983), p. 247. Arasaratnam states that "there was a brisk slave trade in maritime Asia." See S. Arasaratnam, "Historical Foundations of the Economy of the Tamils of Northern Sri Lanka," in S. Arasaratnam, Ceylon and the Dutch, 1600-1800 (Aldershot, 1996), XIV, p. 18.

³ G. J. Knaap, "Slavery and the Dutch in Southeast Asia," in G. Oostindië, Fifty Years Later: Antislavery, Capitalism and Modernity in the Dutch Orbit (Pittsburgh, 1996), p. 193. The standard work on Dutch slavery in Southeast Asia in general is still Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency. For slavery in South Asia, see S. Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century," in K. S. Mathew, ed., Mariners, Merchants and Oceans: Studies in Maritime History (New Delhi, 1995), pp. 195-208; A. K. Chattopadhyay, Slavery in the Bengal Presidency, 1772-1843 (London, 1977); K.K.N. Kurup, "Slavery in 18th Century Malabar," Revue historique de Pondichéry 11 (1973):56-60; U. Patnaik and M. Dingwaney, eds. Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India (Madras, 1985); L. Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery," in J. L. Watson, ed., Asian and African Systems of Slavery (Oxford, 1980), pp. 169-94. See also L. Hattingh, "Slawernij in die VOC-gebied," Kronos: Journal of Cape History 17 (1990): 3-18.

⁴ H. Gerbeau, "The Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean: Problems Facing the Historian and Research to be Undertaken," in The African Slave Trade from the Fifteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries (Paris, 1979), p. 184.

⁵ P. M. Larson, History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement: Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 1770-1822 (Oxford, 2000); R. B. Allen, Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius (Cambridge, 1999); D. Scarr, Slaving and Slavery in the Indian Ocean (London and New York, 1998); V. Teelock, Bitter Sugar: Sugar and Slavery in 19th Century Mauritius (Moka, 1998); S. Fuma, L'Esclavagisme à La Réunion, 1794-1848 (Paris and St. Denis, 1992); K. Noël, L'Esclavage à l'Isle de France (Ile Maurice) de 1715 à 1810 (Paris, 1991); J. V. Payet, Histoire de l'Esclavage à l'Ile Bourbon (Paris, 1990); W. G. Clarence-Smith ed., The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1989); U. Bissoondayal and S.B.C. Servansing, eds., Slavery in the South West Indian Ocean (Moka, Mauritius, 1989); A. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East African Commercial Empire into the World Economy, 1770-1873 (London, 1987); M.D.E. Nwulia, The History of Slavery in Mauritius and the Seychelles, 1810-1875 (London and Toronto, 1981); F. Cooper, Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa (New Haven, 1977); R. W. Beachey, The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa (London, 1976); E. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa: Changing Patterns of International Trade to the Later Nineteenth Century (London, 1975); J. M. Filliot, La Traite des Esclaves vers les Mascareignes au XVIIIe Siècle (Paris, 1974). The workshop titled "Slave Systems in Asia and the Indian Ocean: Their Structure and Change in the 19th and 20th Centuries," held at the University of Avignon, France, 18-20 May 2000, is illustrative of this modernist bias.

⁶ A. Kieskamp, "De Wereld in één Land: Slavernij in Zuid-Afrika (1653-1838)," in R. Daalder, A. Kieskamp, and D. Tang, eds., Slaven en Schepen: Enkele Reis, Bestemming Onbekend (Leiden, 2001), pp. 76-84; T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (Cape Town, 1996); N. Worden, The Chains that Bind Us: A History of Slavery at the Cape (Kenwyn, 1996); C.-H. Shell, Children of Bondage: A Social History of the Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1838 (Hanover, 1994); E. Eldredge and F. Morton eds., Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labor on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder, 1994); E. Eldredge, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge, 1985); R. Ross, Cape of Torments: Slavery and Resistance in South Africa (London, 1983); A. J. Boëseken, Slaves and Free Blacks at the Cape, 1658-1700 (Cape Town, 1977); J. C. Armstrong and N. Worden, "The Slaves, 1652-1834," in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee eds., The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840, 2nd ed. (Middletown, Conn., 1988), pp. 109-83; M. F. Katzen, "White Settlers and the Origin of a New Society, 1652-1778" in M. Wilson and L. Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. I (Oxford, 1969), pp. 187-232.

⁷ This issue is particularly controversial in South African historiography. For a good introduction to the debate, see N. Worden, "The Slave System of the Cape Colony and Its Aftermath," in G. Campbell ed., Slavery and Slave Systems in Asia and the Indian Ocean (London, forthcoming).

⁸ For an excellent survey of nineteenth-century indentured labor trades, see D.Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism (New York, 1995). For the Cultivation System (1830-70), see R. E. Elson, Village Java under the Cultivation System, 1830-1870 (Sydney, 1994); C. Fasseur, The Politics of Colonial Exploitation: Java, the Dutch, and the Cultivation System (Ithaca, N.Y., 1992); R. E. Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and Change in a East Javanese Residency (Kuala Lumpur, 1984). For the Liberal Period (after 1870), see V.J.H. Houben and Th. J. Lindblad, Coolie Labour in Colonial Indonesia: A Study of Labour Relations in the Outer Islands, c. 1900-1940 (Wiesbaden, 1999); A. L. Stoler, Capitalism and Confrontation in Sumatra's Plantation Belt, 1870-1979, 2nd ed. (Ann Arbor, 1995); J. Breman, Taming of the Coolie Beast: Plantation Society and the Colonial Order in Southeast Asia (New Delhi, 1989); K. Pelzer, Planter and Peasant: Colonial Policy and the Agrarian Struggle in East Sumatra, 1863-1947 (The Hague, 1978); K.-W. Thee, Plantation Agriculture and Export Growth: An Economic History of East Sumatra, 1863-1942 (Jakarta, 1977).

⁹ For Batavia, see B. Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden: Slavernij in Oost-Indië, 1602-1860," in Daalder, Kieskamp, and Tang, eds., Slaven en Schepen, pp. 85-91; H.E. Niemeijer, "Slavery, Ethnicity and the Economic Independence of Women in Seventeenth-Century Batavia," in B. Watson Andaya, Other Pasts: Women, Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia (Honolulu, 2000), pp. 174-94; H. E. Niemeijer, Calvinisme en Koloniale Stadscultuur: Batavia, 1619-1725 (Almelo, 1996); P. H. van der Brug, Malaria en Malaise: De VOC in Batavia in de Achttiende Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1994); L. Blusse, Strange Company: Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht, 1988); S. Abeyasekere, Jakarta: A History (Singapore, 1989); J. Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia (Madison, 1983). For Cape Town, see N. Worden, E. van Heyningen, and V. Bickford-Smith, Cape Town: The Making of a City (Hilversum, 1998). For Colombo, see R. Raben, "Batavia and Colombo: The Ethnic and Spatial Order of Two Colonial Cities 1600-1800," unpublished dissertation (Leiden, 1996). For Galle, see L. Wagenaar, Galle, VOC Vestiging in Ceylon: Beschrijving van een Koloniale Samenleving aan de Vooravond van de Singalese Opstand tegen het Nederlandse Gezag, 1760 (Amsterdam, 1994).

¹⁰ E. M. Jacobs, Koopman in Azië: De Handel van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie Tijdens de 18de Eeuw (Zutphen, 2000), p. 277 n. 6.

¹¹ H. Gerbeau, "The Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean," p. 185.

¹² David Brian Davis observed: "The more we learn about slavery, the more difficulty we have defining it," (Slavery and human progress, [New York, 1984]). For the Indian Ocean, see A. Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, Volume One: The Lands below the Winds (New Haven and London, 1988), p. 132; B. Stein, "Slavery and Serfdom in South Asia," in A.T. Embree, ed., Encyclopedia of Asian History (New York, 1988), III, p. 490; U. Chakaravarti, "Of Dasas and Karmakaras: Slave Labour in Ancient India," in U. Panaik and M. Dingawaney, eds., Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India (Madras, 1985), pp. 35, 36-37, 48; T. Raychaudhuri and I. Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume I: c. 1200-1750 (New York, 1982), pp. 30-32, 92-93, 530; M. I. Finley, "Between Slavery and Freedom," Comparative Studies in Society and History 6 (1963-64), p. 23; J. L. Watson, "Slavery as an Institution: Open and Closed Systems," in J. L. Watson, ed., Asian and African Systems of Slavery (Oxford, 1980), pp. 12-13; A. Schottenhammer, "Slavery in Late Imperial China (17th/18th to early 20th century)," unpublished paper presented at the International Conference on Slavery, Unfree Labor and Revolt in Asia and the Indian Ocean Region, University of Avignon, 4-6 October 2001.

¹³ Classical statements include O. Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1982); M. I. Finley, "Slavery," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 14 (New York, 1968), pp. 307-13; H. J. Nieboer, Slavery as an Industrial System: Ethnological Researches, 2nd ed. (The Hague, 1910); Watson, "Slavery as an Institution," pp. 3, 8; P. E. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa (New York, 1983), p. 1.

¹⁴ Watson, "Slavery as an Institution," pp. 9-13; A. Reid, "'Closed' and 'Open' Slave Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia," in A. Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependence in Southeast Asia, pp. 156-67. The Slavery Convention signed at Geneva in 1926 (approved by the United Nations by protocol in 1953) defines slavery as "the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised." The slave trade includes "all acts involved in the capture, acquisition or disposal of a person with intent to reduce him to slavery; all acts involved in the acquisition of a slave with a view to selling or exchanging him; all acts of disposal by sale or exchange of a slave acquired with a view to being sold or exchanged, and, in general, every act of trade or transport in slaves."

¹⁵ I would like to thank Joseph Miller, Michael Salman, and Richard B. Allen for bringing up this important issue.

¹⁶ See, for instance, K. McPherson, The Indian Ocean: A History of People and the Sea (New York, 1993); K. N. Chaudhuri, Asia before Europe: Economy and Civilization of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (New York, 1990); K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (New York, 1985); S. Chandra, ed., The Indian Ocean: Explorations, History, Commerce and Politics (New Delhi, 1987); A. Das Gupta and M. N. Pearson, eds., India and the Indian Ocean (Oxford, 1987); S. Arasaratnam, "Recent Trends in the Historiography of the Indian Ocean, 1500 to 1800," Journal of World History 1, no. 2 (Fall 1990):225-48. See also A.Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World (Leiden, 1990-present). These works are all deeply indebted to Braudel and the methodology of the Annales school, characterized by interdisciplinary or "total" history, geohistorical structuralism-a three-tiered conception of historical time (structures, conjonctures, and événements), and an emphasis on quantification or rigorous statistical analysis.

¹⁷ L. Shaffer, "Southernization," Journal of World History 5, no. 1 (Spring 1994):1, 4. For a critique, see J. O. Voll, "'Southernization' as a Construct in Post-Civilizational Narrative," in R. E. Dunn, The New World History: A Teacher's Companion (Boston and New York, 2000), pp. 193-95. See also J. H. Bentley, "Cross-Cultural Interaction and Periodization in World History," American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 749-70 and P. Manning, "The Problem of Interactions in World History," idem, pp. 771-82.

¹⁸ Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation, pp. 3-4, 10, 21; idem, Asia before Europe, pp. 104, 383-87; J. L. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250-1350 (New York, 1989), p. 261. See also McPherson, The Indian Ocean, pp. 3-5; Gupta and Pearson, eds., India and the Indian Ocean, pp. 11-20.

¹⁹ Though the emphasis here is on demographic and commercial aspects of slavery and slave trade, cultural diffusion was an important by-product of the movement of captive labor. For instance, in spite of legislation that encouraged the learning and use of Dutch, Portuguese (in the seventeenth century) and Malay (in the eighteenth century) became the lingua franca in many VOC settlements throughout the Indian Ocean (including Batavia) due to the presence of large numbers of slaves and freed slaves (Mardijkers) from India and Indonesia. Even Afrikaans, which developed in the Cape Colony in the eighteenth century, was a Portuguese creole language deeply influenced by Portuguese and Malay and the medium of conversation between master and servant. Similarly, while Christianity made some headway, Islam was introduced to the subject populations of various Dutch conquests by Indian and Indonesian slaves along with political exiles.

²⁰ An example of a direct linkage is the Japan (Nagasaki)-Bengal connection: until 1685 large quantities of Japanese silver, gold, and copper were exchanged for (raw) silk and cotton textiles, sugar, and other commodities from Bengal. See O. Prakash, The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, 1630-1720 (Princeton, 1985), pp. 118-41.

²¹ Based on Chaudhuri, Abu-Lughod distinguishes three "great cultural traditions" in the Indian Ocean, determined by the "monsoon imperatives" and centered on the Arabian Sea, Bay of Bengal, and South China Sea, respectively. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, pp. 34-36, 253-59. See also Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation, pp. 103-105.

²² As Leonard Blussé observes: "[I]n the period from the establishment of the castle-city in 1619 to the so-called Chinese massacre in 1740, the city of Batavia was, economically speaking, basically a Chinese colonial town under Dutch protection.... Batavia castle with its warehouses functioned as the 'keystone' in the system of Dutch trading posts all over Asia, while Batavia town operated as a 'cornerstone' of the Chinese trade network in Southeast Asia." See Blussé, Strange Company, p. 74.

²³ R. Raben, "Batavia and Colombo: The Ethnic and Spatial Order of Two Colonial Cities, 1600-1800," unpublished dissertation (Leiden, 1996), p. 121.

²⁴ S. Subrahmanyam, "Slaves and Tyrants: Dutch Tribulations in Seventeenth-Century Mrauk-U," Journal of Early Modern History 1, no. 3 (August 1997):201-53; O. Prakash, European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India, The New Cambridge History of India II:5 (New York, 1998), pp. 55, 144; O. Prakash, The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, pp. 49-50; J. F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, The New Cambridge History of India I:5 (New York, 1993), p. 168; Raychaudhuri and Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India I, p. 335; V. B. Lieberman, Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c. 1580-1760 (Princeton, N.J., 1984); G. D. Winius, "The 'Shadow Empire' of Goa in the Bay of Bengal," Itinerario 7, no. 2 (1983):83-101; D.G.E. Hall, "Studies in Dutch relations with Arakan," Journal of the Burma Research Society 26, no. 1 (1936):1-31; D.G.E. Hall, "The Daghregister of Batavia and Dutch Trade with Burma in the Seventeenth Century," Journal of the Burma Research Society 29, no. 2 (1939):139-56; Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century," pp. 195-99.

²⁵ VOC 1479, OBP 1691, fls. 611r-627v, Specificatie van Allerhande Koopmansz. tot Tuticurin, Manaapar en Alvatt.rij Ingekocht, 1670/71-1689/90; W. Ph. Coolhaas and J.van Goor, eds., Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden van Indië aan Heren Zeventien der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (The Hague, 1960-present), passim; T. Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel, 1605-1690: A Study on the Interrelations of European Commerce and Traditional Economies (The Hague, 1962), pp. 166-67; S. Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century," in K. S. Mathew, ed., Mariners, Merchants and Oceans: Studies in Maritime History (New Delhi, 1995), pp. 195-208.

²⁶ For exports of Malabar slaves to Batavia, see Generale Missiven III, p. 433; VI, pp. 314, 450, 500, 520, 560, 630, 702, 789, 880. For exports of Malabar slaves to Ceylon, see Generale Missiven VI, pp. 312, 448; H.K. s'Jacob ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala, 1663-1701: De Memories en Instructies Betreffende het Commandement Malabar van de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Kleine serie 43 (The Hague, 1976), pp. xl-lxv, 77, 321, 346; R. Barendse, "Slaving on the Malagasy Coast, 1640-1700," in S. Evers and M. Spindler, eds., Cultures of Madagascar: Ebb and Flow of Influences (Leiden, 1995), p. 142. See also M. O. Koshy, The Dutch Power in Kerala (New Delhi, 1989); K. K. Kusuman, Slavery in Travancore (Trivandrum, 1973); M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz, De Vestiging der Nederlanders ter Kuste Malabar (The Hague, 1943), pp. 154-237; H. Terpstra, De Opkomst der Westerkwartieren van de Oostindische Compagnie (The Hague, 1918); E.M.E.P. Wolff, "Cochin: Een Mestiese Samenleving in India: Een Onderzoek Naar de Bevolking van een Vestiging van de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie in de 18de Eeuw," unpublished M.A. thesis (Leiden, 1992), pp. 47-52.

²⁷ M.P.M. Vink, "Encounters on the Opposite Coast: Cross-Cultural Contacts between the Dutch East India Company and the Nayaka State of Madurai in the Seventeenth Century," unpublished dissertation, University of Minnesota (1998), pp. 165-69; Arasaratnam, Ceylon and the Dutch, 1600-1800 (Great Yarmouth, 1996), XI, p. 387; XIV, p. 19; H. D. Love, Vestiges from Old Madras (London, 1913), pp. 545-46.

²⁸ J. Villiers, "Makassar: The Rise and Fall of an East Indonesian Maritime Trading State, 1512-1669," in J. Kathirithambi-Wells and J. Villiers, eds., The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise (Singapore, 1990), pp. 143-59; Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce I, pp. 133-34, and 136; II, pp. 222, 224, 229-32, 278-80, 309, 320, 324; H. Sutherland, "Slavery and Slave Trade in South Sulawesi 1660s-1800s," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage, and Dependency, pp. 268-70; L. Y. Andaya, The Heritage of Arung Palakka: A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century (The Hague, 1981); C. R. Boxer, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese Merchant in South East Asia, 1624-1667 (The Hague, 1967); F. W. Stapel, Het Bongaais Verdrag (Leiden, 1922).

²⁹ VOC 1276, OBP 1671, fls. 684-1007, Notitie [Speelman] ... tot Naerrichtinge voor den Ondercoopman Jan van Opijnen, 17.2.1670; J. Noorduijn, "De Handelsrelaties van het Makassaarse Rijk Volgens de Notitie van Cornelis Speelman uit 1670," Nederlandse Historische Bronnen III (Amsterdam, 1983), pp. 96-123.

³⁰ A. Reid, "Introduction; Slavery and Bondage in Southeast Asian History," in A. Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency, pp. 30-32; Dagh-Registers Gehouden int Casteel Batavia vant Passerende daer ter Plaetse als over Geheel Nederlandts-India. Anno 1653-1682 (Batavia and The Hague, 1887-1928); Raben, "Batavia and Colombo," pp. 122-125.

³¹ Boëseken, Slaves and Free Blacks at the Cape, p. 75; Shell, "Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, 1680 to 1731," unpublished dissertation, Yale University (1986), pp. 352-53. Between 1652 and 1808 approximately 63,000 slaves (62,964) were imported to the Cape from four main areas: Africa 26.4%; Madagascar 25.1%; India 25.9%; Indonesia 22.7%. See Shell, Children of Bondage, pp. 40-41. Worden has revised Shell's estimate upward from 63,000 to 80,000. See N. Worden, "The Indian Ocean Origins of Cape Colony Slaves: A Preliminary Report," unpublished paper presented at the Workshop on Slave Systems in Asia and the Indian Ocean: Structure and Change in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Avignon, 18-20 May 2000. Based on Cape inventories and auction sales, Worden concludes that between 1697 and 1750 48% (673) of the sample of 1,401 slaves came from the Indian subcontinent (mostly Bengal and Malabar), 20.5% (288) from Southeast Asia (Bugi/Makassar, and to a lesser extent Bali, Ternate, Timor, and Ternate), and 9.9% (191) from Madagascar and other parts of Africa (including Rio de la Goa, Mozambique, Natal, and Angola), whereas 17.1% (239) were Cape-born.

³² H. Hägerdal, "From Batuparang to Ayudhya: Bali and the Outside World," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië 154, no. 1 (1998):55-94; A. van der Kraan, "Bali: Slavery and the Slave Trade," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage, and Dependency, pp. 329-37; H. J. de Graaf, "Lombok in de 17de Eeuw," Djawa 21, no. 6 (November 1941):355-73; Reid, "Introduction," in: Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency, p. 30; H. J. Schulte Nordholt, The Spell of Power: A History of Balinese Politics, 1650-1940 (Leiden, 1996); H. J. Schulte Nordholt, Bali: Colonial Conceptions and Political Change, 1700-1940: From Shifting Hierarchies to 'Fixed Order' (Rotterdam, 1986); H. J. Schulte Nordholt, "Macht, Mensen en Middelen: Patronen en Dynamiek in de Balische Politiek, 1700-1840," M.A. thesis, VU Amsterdam (1980); R. Needham, Sumba and the Slave Trade, Monash University, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Working Paper 31 (Clayton, 1983); C. Lekkerkerker, "De Baliërs van Batavia," De Indische Gids 40, no. 1 (1918):409-31; W.G.C. Bijvanck, "Onze Betrekkingen tot Lombok," De Gids 58, no. 4 (1894):134-57, 299-337; 59, no. 2 (1895):141-77.

³³ N. van der Zwan, Madagascar: The Zebu as Guide through Past and Present (Berg en Dal, 1998), pp. 25-36; P. J. Moree, A Concise History of Dutch Mauritius, 1598-1710: A Fruitful and Healthy Land (London, 1998), pp. 27 et seq.; Barendse, "Slaving on the Malagasy coast," pp. 137-55; J. C. Armstrong, "Madagascar and the Slave Trade in the Seventeenth Century," Omaly sy Anio 7/8/9/10 (1983-84):211-33; G. de Nettancourt, "Le Peuplement Neerlandais à l'Ile Maurice (1598-1710)," in Mouvements de Populations dans l'Océan Indien (Paris, 1979), p. 224; N. Worden, "Slavery and Amnesia: Towards a Recovery of Malagasy Heritage in Presentations of Cape Slavery," in Rakoto, ed., L'Esclavage à Madagascar, p. 55; Shell, Children of Bondage, pp. 41-42; P. van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, F. W. Stapel, ed. (The Hague, 1929), Eerste Boek, Deel II, pp. 653-70; J. C. Armstrong and N. Worden, "The Slaves, 1652-1834," in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840 (Middleton, Conn., 1989), pp. 111-14; D. Sleigh, Die Buiteposte: VOC-Buiteposte onder Kaapse Bestuur 1652-1795 (Pretoria, 1993); K. Heeringa, "De Nederlanders op Mauritius en Madagascar," Indische Gids 17 (1895):864-92, 1005-36. In total 33 company voyages (1654-1786) were dispatched for the benefit of the Cape and a few more for slaves at its Salida gold mines, carrying 2,820 to the Cape.

³⁴ R. B. Allen, "The Mascarene Slave Trade and Labor Migration in the Indian Ocean during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," in Campbell, ed., Slavery and Slave Systems (forthcoming).

³⁵ Armstrong, "Madagascar and the Slave Trade in the Seventeenth Century," pp. 214-18; J. M. Filliot, La Traite des Esclaves vers les Mascareignes au XVIIIe Siècle (Paris, 1974), pp. 54-69; H. Gerbeau, "Histoire Oubliée, Histoire Occultée? La Diaspora Malgache à la Réunion: Entre Esclavage et Liberté," in Rakoto, ed., L'Esclavage à Madagascar, pp. 9-10. Allen argues that the number of slaves imported into the Mascarenes before 1810 was approximately 203,000, 12-27% higher than Filliot's estimate of 160,000 (5,000 for the period 1670-1728). See R. Allen, "The Mascarene Slave Trade," (forthcoming).

³⁶ The number of healthy adult slaves at the mines increased from 150 (1677), 165 (1679), 225 (1680), and 325 (1682), to peak at 510 (1687) and 469 (1692). In 1687, there were also 90 sick adult slaves (impotenten) and 70 slave children. See Generale Missiven IV, pp. 222, 385, 426, 556; V, pp. 136, 180, 593, 758. See also Van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, Eerste Boek, Deel II, pp. 653-70; N. MacLeod, "De Oost-Indische Compagnie op Sumatra in de 17de Eeuw. IV: De Westkust van 1671 tot 1683," De Indische Gids 27, no. 1 (1905):125-42, 470-86; J. E. de Meijer, "De Goud- en Zilvermijnen ter Sumatra's Westkust," De Indische Gids 33, no. 1 (1911):28-67; D. Verbeek, Nota over de Verrichtingen der Oost-Indische Compagnie bij de Ontginning der Goud- en Zilveraders te Salida op Sumatra's Westkust (The Hague, 1910); S. P. L'Honoré Naber, ed., Reisebeschreibungen von Deutschen Beambten und Kriegsleuten im Dienst der Niederländischen West- und Ost-Indischen Kompagnien, 1602-1797, Volume 10: Elias Hesse, Gold-bergwerke in Sumatra, 1680-83 (The Hague, 1931).

³⁷ Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism III, p. 30; Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation, p. 224. See also Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, p. 13. For the theoretical ground work, see W. Cristaller, Central Places in Southern Germany (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966); A. Lösch, The Economics of Location (New Haven, Conn., 1954).

³⁸ Philip D. Curtin, Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (New York, 1984), pp. 3-5, 8-9, 152-54.

³⁹ During the company period, the commander (after 1690, governor) of the Cape also exercised jurisdiction over the company settlements of Mauritius (1638-58; 1664-1710), St. Helena Island (1673), and Rio de la Goa, Mozambique (1721-30).

⁴⁰ Archief VOC, Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren; Generale Missiven, IV, pp. 138, 438, 554, 676-77; "Report of Governor Balthasar Bort on Malacca 1678," Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 1 (August 1927):39-44; Tarling, ed., Cambridge History of Southeast Asia I, p. 371; s'Jacob, ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala, pp. lii, liv n. 189; s'Jacob, "De VOC en de Malabarkust in de 17de Eeuw," in M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz, ed., De VOC in Azië (Bussum, 1976), p. 88; R. J. Barendse, The Arabian Seas, 1640-1700 (Leiden, 1998), pp. 59, 70; G. J. Knaap, "A City of Migrants: Kota Ambon at the End of the Seventeenth Century," Indonesia 51 (April 1991):120, 124; G. J. Knaap, "Europeans, Mestizos and Slaves: The Population of Colombo at the End of the Seventeenth Century," Itinerario 5, no. 2 (1981):88; N. Worden, Cape Town: The Making of a City (Hilversum, 1998), p. 50.

⁴¹ As several historians have observed correctly, the distinction between "luxury" and "productive" slavery is often an artificial one; see Watson, "Slavery as an Institution, Open and Closed Systems," pp. 8, 14; Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery," p. 190; Cooper, Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa, p. 2. For different definitions of slave societies, see M. Finley, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (New York, 1983), pp. 80-81, 86; and C. Meillasoux, The Anthropology of Slavery: The Womb of Iron and Gold (Chicago, 1991), pp. 69-77.

⁴² ARA, Archief VOC, Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren; Generale Missiven, IV, pp. 138, 438, 554, 676-77; "Report of Governor Balthasar Bort on Malacca 1678," Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 1 (August 1927):39-44; Tarling, ed., Cambridge History of Southeast Asia I, p. 371; s'Jacob ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala, pp. lii, liv n. 189; s'Jacob, ed., "De VOC en de Malabarkust in de 17de Eeuw," in M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz, ed., De VOC in Azië (Bussum, 1976), p. 88; R. J. Barendse, The Arabian Seas, 1640-1700 (Leiden, 1998), pp. 59, 70; G. J. Knaap, "A City of Migrants: Kota Ambon at the End of the Seventeenth Century," Indonesia 51 (April 1991), pp. 120, 124; G. J. Knaap, "Europeans, Mestizos and Slaves: The Population of Colombo at the End of the Seventeenth Century," Itinerario 5, no. 2 (1981):88; N. Worden, Cape Town: The Making of a City (Hilversum, 1998), p. 50.

⁴³ Ph. D. Curtin, The Tropical Atlantic in the Age of the Slave Trade (Washington, 1991), pp. 2-3, 6.

⁴⁴ For the problematic nature of the term "slave" in an Indian Ocean context, see note 12. Though the term "slave" is used in the text, relations of dependency and inequality normally ran across a continuum from freedom to slavery with permeable boundaries between various categories or population groups.

⁴⁵ The Laws of Manu, Vol. 8, G. Buhler, trans., The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 25 (Oxford, 1886), p. 415; The Minor Law-Books, Part I: Narada, Vol. V, J. Jolly, ed., The sacred books of the East, Vol. 33 (Oxford, 1889), pp. 26-28, 29, 31-36; B. Stein, A History of India (Malden, Mass., 1998), pp. 216-20; U. Chakravarti, "Of Dasas and Karmakaras: Servile Labour in Ancient India," in U. Patnaik and M. Dingawaney, eds., Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India (New York, 1985), pp. 40-42, 51-54.

⁴⁶ B. Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Inquiry (Oxford and New York, 1990), pp. 3-15; R. Brunschvig, s.v., "Abd" in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. I (Leiden, 1986), pp. 24-40; M. Gordon, Slavery in the Arab World (New York, 1989), pp. 18-47; H. Müller, "Sklaven," in Handbuch der Orientalistik, B. Spuler ed., Part 1, Der Nahe und der Mittlere Osten, Vol. 6, Geschichte der Islamischen Länder, Sec. 6, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Vorderen Orients in Islamischer Zeit, Part 1 (Leiden and Cologne, 1977), pp. 54-83. For the Jambi apologia, see W. Ph. Coolhaas, J. van Goor, and J. E. Schooneveld-Oosterling, eds., Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren Zeventien der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (The Hague, 1960-present), III, p. 710.

⁴⁷ Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce I, pp. 129-46; Reid, "'Closed' and 'Open' Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia," pp. 158-59, 169-71. For specific Southeast Asian legal codes, see M. C. Hoadley and M. B. Hooker, An Introduction to Javanese Law: A Translation of and Commentary on the Agama (Tucson, 1981); Y. F. Liaw, ed., Undang-Undang Melaka: The Laws of Melaka (The Hague, 1976); I. Takeshi, "The World of the Adat Aceh: A Historical Study of the Sultanate of Aceh," unpublished dissertation, ANU (Canberra, 1984).

⁴⁸ The following discussion is largely based on M.P.M. Vink, "Suffering in Silence: Dutch Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century," unpublished paper presented at the World History Association, Ninth Annual International Conference, Boston, 22-25 June 2000.

⁴⁹ G. Groenhuis, "Zonen van Cham," Kleio 21 (1980):224; G. J. Schutte, "Bij het Schemerlicht van Hun Tijd: Zeventiende-Eeuwse Gereformeerden en de Slavenhandel," in M. Bruggeman et al., eds., Mensen van de Nieuwe Tijd: Een Liber Amoricum voor A. Th. Van Deursen (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 193-217; P. C. Emmer, De Nederlandse Slavenhandel, 1500-1850 (Amsterdam and Antwerp, 2000), pp. 30-39; L. R. Priester, De Nederlandse Houding ten Aanzien van de Slavenhandel en Slavernij, 1596-1863: Het Gedrag van de Slavenhandelaren van de Commercie Compagnie van Middelburg in de 18de Eeuw (Middelburg, 1987), pp. 43, 74 n. 28. See also S. R. Haynes, Noah's Curse: The Biblical Justification of American Slavery (New York, 2001); B. Braude, "The Sons of Noah and the Construction of Ethnic and Geographical Identities in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods," William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 54 (January 1997):103-42; W. McKee Evans, "From the Land of Canaan to the Land of Guinea or the Strange Odyssey of the Sons of Ham," American Historical Review 85, no. 1 (February 1980):15-43; M. Adhikari, "The Sons of Ham: Slavery and the Making of Coloured Identity," South African Historical Journal 27 (1992):95-112. For an interesting discussion of the "Ham ideology," see Valentijn, Oud- en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 371-72.

⁵⁰ H. Grotius, The Law of War and Peace: De Jure Belli ac Pacis Libri Tres, F. Kelsey, trans., J. Brown Scott, ed. (Indianapolis and New York, 1925), pp. 255-59, 690-91, 718, 761-69.

⁵¹ Vink, "Suffering in Silence."

⁵² VOC 1232, OBP 1661, fl. 383, Miss. Gouvr. Pit en Raad van Coromandel aan H. XVII, 9.8.1660; VOC 884, BUB 1660, fl. 1703, Miss. Gouvr. Genl. en Raad aan Comms. Van Goens te Colombo, 4.11.1660. The purchase of slaves in exchange for rice earned the Dutch the condemnation of local members of the Society of Jesus (an active participant in the Indian Ocean slave trade itself). See J. Bertrand, La Mission du Maduré d'après des documents inédits III. Paris 1848, pp. 124-25. For Jesuit and Portuguese apologies of the slave trade, see J. Correia-Affonso, The Jesuits in India, 1542-1773: A Short History (Anand, 1997), pp. 114-18; A.J.R. Russell-Wood, "Iberian Expansion and the Issue of Black Slavery: Changing Portuguese Attitudes, 1440-1770," American Historical Review 83, no. 1 (February 1978):16-42.

⁵³ For instance, L. Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek: Plakkaten en Andere Wetten Uitgevaardigd Door het Nederlands Bestuur op Ceylon, 1638-1796, 2 vols. (Hilversum, 1996), I, pp. 20, 62, 97-98, 293. The fact that the ordinance had to be reissued several times indicates the ineffectiveness of the prohibition.

⁵⁴ V. Matheson and M. B. Hooker, "Slavery in the Malay Texts: Categories of Dependency and Compensation," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency, pp. 185, 192-93, 198, 203, 205; Reid, "'Closed' and 'Open' Slave Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia," in idem, pp. 169-70; K. Endicott, "The Effects of Slave Raiding on the Aborigines of the Malay Peninsula," in idem, pp. 216-18; D. J. Steinberg, ed., In Search of Southeast Asia: A Modern History, 2nd ed. (Honolulu, 1987), pp. 15-16.

⁵⁵ Heeres, ed., Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum II, pp. 500, 678-79, 749-50; III, pp. 320, 384, 490, 529, 602, 605, 620, 845-46, 850, 881.

⁵⁶ Shell, Children of Bondage, pp. 46-48; Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I, pp. 309-10, 395; De Haan, Oud Batavia I, p. 456.

⁵⁷ VOC 1434, OBP 1688, fls. 263v-265v, Samentrekking Huijsgezinnen Cochin ..., 17.12.1687; Generale Missiven IV, p. 554; idem V, pp. 202, 203-204; Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 445.

⁵⁸ Ibid.

⁵⁹ K. Ward, "The Bounds of Bondage: Forced Migration between the Netherlands East Indies and the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth Century," Ph.D. dissertation (Michigan, forthcoming). Nigel Worden is currently working on company convicts and exiles sent to the Cape.

⁶⁰ J. A. van der Chijs, ed., Nederlandsch-Indisch Placaatboek, 1602-1811, 17 vols. (Batavia and The Hague, 1885-1900); K. M. Jeffreys and S. D. Naudé, eds., Kaapsch Plakkaatboek, 1651-1806, 6 vols. (Cape Town, 1944-51); A. J. Boëseken, ed., Resolusies van die Politieke Raad 1651-1715, 3 vols. (Cape Town, 1957-62); Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek, 2 vols. For a compendium or brief summary of ordinances issued at Ambon in the seventeenth century, see Valentijn, Oud- en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 652-60.

⁶¹ In 1684, there were 6 convicts in Ambon, whereas Banda housed 21. In 1710, Ceylon had 174 resident "bandits." Generale Missiven VI, pp. 653, 694; Van Dam, Beschryvinge I, pp. 134, 200.

⁶² J. Wisseman Christie, "State Formation in Early Maritime Southeast Asia: A Consideration of the Theories and the Data," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië 151, no. 2 (1995):249-50, 270-71, 276-78; B. Bronson, "Exchange at the Upstream and Downstream Ends: Notes toward a Functional Model of the Coastal State in Southeast Asia," in K. L. Hutterer, ed., Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from Prehistory, History and Ethnography (Ann Arbor, 1977), pp. 39-52.

⁶³ B. Watson-Andaya and L. Y. Andaya, A History of Malaysia, 2nd ed. (Honolulu, 2001), pp. 3-4, 129, 163-64; L. Y. Andaya, The World of Maluku: Eastern Indonesia in the Early Modern Period (Honolulu, 1993), pp. 192, 196, 210; B. Watson-Andaya, To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Honolulu, 1993), pp. 13-20, 95-97, 100, 103, 222, 225; L. Andaya, "Local Trade Networks in Maluku in the 16th, 17th, and 18th Centuries," Cekalele 2, no. 2 (1991), pp. 73-74, 88; T. Bigalke, "Dynamics of the Torajan Slave Trade in South Sulawesi," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage, and Dependency, p. 343; R. Laarhoven, "Lords of the Great River: The Magindanao Port and Polity during the Seventeenth Century," in Kathirithambi-Wells and Villiers, eds., The Southeast Asian Port and Polity, pp. 163-64, 169, 172-73; N. Tarling, ed., The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume I: From Early Times to c. 1800 (New York, 1992), pp. 407, 439, 480-81, 520, 560; Knaap, Kruidnagelen en Christenen, pp. 114-15.

⁶⁴ J. C. Heestermann, "Warrior, Peasant and Brahmin," Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (1995):637-54; J. C. Heestermann, "The Hindu Frontier," Itinerario 13, no. 1 (1989):1-16; J. C. Heestermann, "Littoral et Interieur de l'Inde," in L. Blussé, H. L. Wesseling, and G.D. Winius, eds., History and Underdevelopment: Essays on Underdevelopment and European Expansion in Asia and Africa (Leiden, 1980), pp. 87-92. See also J. Gommans, "The Silent Frontier of South Asia, c. A.D. 1100-1800," Journal of World History 9, no. 1 (Spring 1998):1-23; B. Stein, A History of India (Malden, Mass., 1998), pp. 115, 280-81.

⁶⁵ In 1562, Akbar abolished the practice of enslaving prisoners of war, no longer even forcibly converting them to Islam. In the following two years, he also did away with the pilgrim tax and remitted the hated jizya or non-Muslim poll tax. All these measures were reversed by Aurangzeb.

⁶⁶ Van der Zwan, Madagascar, pp. 26-37; Armstrong, "Madagascar and the Slave Trade," pp. 213-16; Barendse, "Slaving on the Malagasy Coast," pp. 149-50; I. Rakato, "Etre Ou ne pas être: L'Andevo Esclave, un Sujet de Non-Droit," in I. Rakato, ed., L'Esclavage à Madagascar: Aspects Historiques et Résurgences Contemporaines (Antanarivo, 1997); P. M. Larson, "A Census of Slaves Exported from Central Madagascar between 1775 and 1820," in idem, pp. 131-46; S. Evers, "Stigmatization as a Self-Perpetuating Process," in Evers and Spindler, eds., Cultures of Madagascar, pp. 158, 166-67; M. Bloch, "Modes of Production and Slavery in Madagascar: Two Case Studies," in Watson, ed., Asian and African Systems of Slavery, pp. 104-107.

⁶⁷ S. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History (New York, 1993), pp. 196-200; A. Isaacman, Mozambique-The Africanization of a European Institution: The Zambezi Prazos, 1750-1902 (Madison and Milwaukee, 1972); Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 128-35, 220-30; Manning, Slavery and African Life, pp. 52-54; Cooper, Plantation Slavery, pp. 38-46; Sherriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory, pp. 33-76; Beachey, Slave Trade of Eastern Africa; Alpers, Ivory and Slaves.

⁶⁸ S. Newton-King, Masters and Servants on the Cape Eastern Frontier, 1760-1803 (Cambridge, 1999); E. Boonzaier, C. Malherbe, et al., The Cape Herders: A History of the Khoikhoi of South Africa (Cape Town, 1996); C. Malherbe, "Indentured and Free Labour in South Africa: Towards an Understanding," South African Historical Journal 24 (1991):15; H. Giliomee, "Processes in the Development of the Southern African Frontier," in H. Lamar and L. Thompson, eds., The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981), p. 85; Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 136; Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, pp. 44-45, 49; and Elphick and Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 3-65, 134-39, 185, 299-301.

⁶⁹ For problems with Mughal authorities, see Generale Missiven II, pp. 624, 718, 791; III, pp. 32, 132, 497; IV, p. 352; Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean," pp. 195-99; Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companies, and Trade, pp. 104-105, 210-11. For problems with the Marathas, see Generale Missiven IV, p. 291; Van Dam, Beschryvinge, II, ii, p. 114; Heeres, ed., Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum III, pp. 65, 125; Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean," pp. 195-99; Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companies, and Trade, pp. 104-105, 210-11. For objections from the Nayaka rulers, see VOC 1151, OBP 1645, fl. 764r, Miss. Gouvr. Gardenijs van Coromandel aan Batavia, 3.4.1643; VOC 1324, OBP 1677, fl. 12r, Miss. Gouvr. van Goens de Jonge en Raad van Ceijlon aan Batavia, 5.3.1677. See also Generale Missiven I, pp. 185-86, 196, 199, 201. For Mataram and Makassar, see Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, I, p. 133.

⁷⁰ For Southeast Asia, see Reid, "Introduction," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependence, pp. 8-19; Reid, "'Closed' and 'Open' Slave Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependence, pp. 156-77; Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, pp. 120-21, 129-36. For South and East Asia, see J. N. Sarkar, Mughal Economy: Organization and Working (Calcutta, 1987), pp. 250-53; Chaudhuri and Habib, The Cambridge Economic History of India, pp. 30-31, 92-93, 503; Watson, "Slavery as an Institution," pp. 9-13; Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery," pp. 169-94; J. Watson, "Transactions in People: The Chinese Market in Slaves, Servants, and Heirs," in idem, pp. 223-50.

⁷¹ De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 458-60. For a good example, see Valentijn, Oud- en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 369-70.

⁷² Generale Missiven IV, pp. 97, 234, 467-68, 644; De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 446-47; Jacobs, Koopman in Azië, p. 177; Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden," pp. 85-87. There were 170 sugar mills in the Ommelanden around Batavia in 1710.

⁷³ Generale Missiven V, pp. 582, 674-76, 714-15; Van Dam, Beschryvinge II, I, p. 199; Hanna, Indonesian Banda, pp. 79-80, 85; Van Goor, De Nederlandse Koloniën, p. 113; Jacobs, Koopman in Azië, p. 24.

⁷⁴ VOC 1240, OBP 1663, fl. 1438r, Memorie Gouvr. Thijssen van Malacca aan Van Riebeeck, 1.11.1662; "Report of Governor Bort on Malacca," pp. 93-94.

⁷⁵ VOC 1234, OBP 1662, fl. 125v, Miss. Comms. Van Goens te Colombo aan Batavia, 5.4.1661; Instructions from the Governor-General and Council of India to the Governor of Ceylon, 1656-1665, S. Pieters, trans. (Colombo, 1908), pp. 3, 4, 18-19, 27, 70-71, 96-98; Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I, pp. 68-72, 77, 129-30; Arasaratnam, Dutch Power in Ceylon, p. 131; Knaap, "Europeans, Mestizos and Slaves," p. 94.

⁷⁶ Generale Missiven V, pp. 675, 714-15; Van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, Tweede Boek, Deel I, p. 199; Jacobs, Koopman in Azië, p. 177; VOC 1234, OBP 1662, fl. 125v. Miss. Comms. Van Goens te Colombo aan Batavia, 5.4.1661; Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 136; Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, pp. 44-45, 49; Elphick and Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 134-39, 185, 299-301.

⁷⁷ Niemeijer, "Slavery, Ethnicity, and the Economic Independence of Women," pp. 174-78, 194. For an example of the hierarchical typology of "national characters," see Valentijn, Oud- en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, p. 370.

⁷⁸ B. Watson Andaya, "Introduction," in Andaya, ed., Other Pasts, p. 25; Niemeijer, "Slavery, Ethnicity, and the Economic Independence of Women," pp. 159-60.

⁷⁹ Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery," pp. 170, 173, 182, 189; Reid, "Introduction," pp. 14-17; Knaap, "Slavery and the Dutch in Southeast Asia," p. 197; Allen, "The Mascarene Slave Trade and Labor Migration in the Indian Ocean," pp. 21-22; Shell, Children of Bondage, pp. 49-54.

⁸⁰ In 1768/69, mortality rates among company servants were highest in Southeast Asia (Batavia, 33%; Java's north coast, 27%; Bantam, 19%; Banda, 16%), medium at the Cape (17%), and lowest in South Asia (Bengal, 8%; Malabar, 5%; Coromandel, 4%; Ceylon, 4%). Van der Brug, Malaria en Malaise, p. 29. Mortality rates among slaves differed of course from those among Europeans due to different working and living conditions. Allen assumes an average net slave mortality in eighteenth-century French Madagascar and Réunion somewhere between 1.74 and 2.54%. Allen, "The Mascarene Slave Trade and Labor Migration in the Indian Ocean."

⁸¹ Knaap, Kruidnagelen en Christenen, pp. 100-22; Van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, Tweede Boek, Deel I, pp. 132 et seq.

⁸² Generale Missiven IV, p. 242; idem VI, p. 190; Hanna, Indonesian Banda, p. 85; Van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, pp. 177, 200-201.

⁸³ VOC 1236, OBP 1662, Miss. Gouvr. Laurens Pit en raad van Coromandel aan Batavia, 11.2.1661; VOC 1234, OBP 1662, Miss. Comms. Van Goens te Colombo aan Batavia, 5.4.1661; Generale Missiven, III, p. 716. See also S. Arasaratnam, Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1658-1687 (Amsterdam, 1958), pp. 132-34; Van Dam, Beschryvinge, p. 298; VOC 1292, OBP 1674, Miss Gouvr Van Goens de Jonge en raad van Ceijlon, 29.5.1673. In 1709, 300 slaves perished within 6 months allegedly due to overconsumption of alcohol. See Generale Missiven, VI, p. 622.

⁸⁴ Generale Missiven V, pp. 252, 382; De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 453-54. Mortality rates among newly arrived company servants before and after 1733 grew from 5-10% to 40-50%. Natural and human-induced changes included the deforestation of the Ommelanden and subsequent increased sedimentation after 1659, a volcanic eruption in 1699, and the digging of the Mookervaart in 1733. Van der Brug, Malaria en Malaise, pp. 39 et seq.; Blusse, Strange Company, passim.

⁸⁵ For the debate among the dompany directors surrounding these measures, see F. S. Gaastra, Bewind en Beleid bij de VOC: De Financiële en Commerciële Politiek van de Bewindhebbers, 1672-1702 (Zutphen, 1989); Niemeijer, Calvinisme en Koloniale Stadscultuur, p. 47.

⁸⁶ VOC 1333, OBP 1679, fl. 12r, Miss. Gouvr. Van Goens de Jonge en raad van Ceijlon aan Batavia, 30.4.1678; VOC 1343, OBP 1680, fl. 19r, Miss. Gouvr. Van Goens de Jonge en raad van Ceijlon aan Batavia, 3.3.1679; Generale Missiven IV, pp. 164, 226, 294, 354, 367, 370; Van Dam, Beschryvinge pp. 297, 344-50; Memoir Left by Rycklof van Goens, Jun. Governor of Ceylon, 1675-1679, to his Successor, Laurens Pyl, Late Commandeur, Jaffnapatnam, S. Pieters, trans. (Colombo, 1910), pp. 5-6, 11.

⁸⁷ R. Austen, "The Trans-Saharan Trade: A Tentative Census," in H. A. Gemery and J. S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979), pp. 23-76; R. Austen, "From the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean: European Abolition, the African Slave Trade, and Asian Economic Structures," in D. Eltis and J. Walvin, eds., The Abolition of the Slave Trade: Origins and Effects in Europe, Africa, and the Americas (Madison, 1981), pp. 117-39.

⁸⁸ Of 2,467 slaves traded on 12 slave voyages from Batavia, India, and Madagascar between 1677 and 1701 to the Cape, 1,617 were landed-a loss of 850 slaves, or 34.45%. On 19 voyages between 1677 and 1732, the mortality rate was somewhat lower (22.7%). See Shell, "Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, 1680-1731," p. 332. Filliot estimated the average mortality rate among slaves shipped from India and West Africa to the Mascarene Islands at 20-25% and 25-30%, respectively. Average mortality rates among slaves arriving from closer catchment areas were lower: 12% from Madagascar and 21% from East Africa. See Filliot, La Traite des Esclaves, p. 228; A. Toussaint, La Route des Îles: Contribution à l'Histoire Maritime des Mascareignes (Paris, 1967), pp. 451, 454; Allen, "The Madagascar Slave Trade and Labor Migration."

⁸⁹ Austen, "The Trans-Saharan Trade: A Tentative Census," pp. 66, 68; Austen, "From the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean," p. 136; Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, p. 47; Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 294-95, 303. For information regarding the numbers of slaves brought through the Crimea, see H. Inalcik, Sources and Studies on the Ottoman Black Sea. Vol. I: The Customs Registers of Caffa, 1487-1490 (Cambridge, Mass., 1996); A.Fisher, "Muscovy and the Black Sea Slave Trade," Canadian-American Slavic Studies 6, no. 4 (1972):575-94, reprinted in A. Fisher, A Precarious Balance: Conflict, Trade, and Diplomacy on the Russian-Ottoman Frontier (Istanbul, 1999).

⁹⁰ J. C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Resistance (New Haven, 1985).

⁹¹ E. D. Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World (Baton Rouge, 1979), pp. 11-12. See also M. Craton, Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies (Ithaca and London, 1982).

⁹² De Haan, Oud Batavia I, p. 452; Generale Missiven IV, pp. 676-77; Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, p. 60. On the other hand, the absence of social and physical distancing between master and slave could also provoke conflict.

⁹³ De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 129, 363-64.

⁹⁴ The typical Caribbean sugar plantation had a force of at least 50 slaves-more often, more than 200 or even 300. See Curtin, The Tropical Atlantic, pp. 3, 7.

⁹⁵ Van Dam, Beschryvinge I, p. 199; Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën III, pp. 5-12, 22-23; Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, p. 48; Armstrong and Worden, "The Slaves," pp.135-36; Biewinga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop, pp. 91-92; Shell, "Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope," pp. 486, 491; Kieskamp, "De wereld in één land," pp. 81-82. There were some nutmeg gardens and wine farms with more than 100 slaves, though they were clearly the exception. In 1805, the largest single number of slaves in an European household in Batavia was 165. Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden," p. 88.

⁹⁶ G. Schutte, "Company and Colonists at the Cape, 1652-1795," in Elphick and Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 303-15; Katzen, "White Settlers and the Origins of a New Society," pp. 187-232; F. C. Dominicus, Het Ontslag van Wilhem Adriaen van der Stel (Rotterdam 1928); C. Beyers, Die Kaapse Patriotte Gedurende die Laatste Kwart van die Agtiende eeu en die Voortlewing van Hul Denkbeelde (Pretoria, 1967).

⁹⁷ N.P. van den Berg, Uit de Dagen der Compagnie: Geschiedkundige Schetsen (Amsterdam, 1904), pp. 30-63; Blusse, Strange Company, pp. 24-25; De Haan, Oud-Batavia I, pp. 112-14, 376-77; II, pp. 8-9.

⁹⁸ De Haan, Oud Batavia I, p. 452.

⁹⁹ Generale Missiven V, pp. 371, 423, 426, 490; H. J. de Graaf, De Geschiedenis van Ambon en de Zuid-Molukken (Franeker, 1977), pp. 157-63; F. de Haan, Priangan: De Preanger-Regentschappen onder het Nederlandsch Bestuur tot 1811 (Batavia, 1910), I, pp. 228-31; J.K.J. de Jonge and M. L. van Deventer, eds., De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indiën, 16 vols. (The Hague, 1862-1909), VIII, pp. 58-59, 62-63, 65-67; Ricklefs, War, Culture and Economy in Java, pp. 105-106.

¹⁰⁰ Blussé, Strange Company, pp. 88-96; A.R.T. Kemasang, "How Dutch Colonialism Foreclosed a Domestic Bourgeoisie in Java: The 1740 Chinese Massacres Reappraised," Review 9, no. 1 (1985):57-80; J. Th. Vermeulen, De Chineezen te Batavia en de Troebelen van 1740 (Leiden, 1938); De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 381-82; De Jonge et al., De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag IX, pp. xlvii-lxxvi; W. R. van Hoëvell, "Batavia in 1740," Tijdschrift voor Neêrland's Indië 3 (1840):447-557; J. Crawfurd, History of the Indian Archipelago (London, 1820), II, pp. 427-30; T. S. Raffles, The History of Java (London, 1817), II, pp. 210-14.

¹⁰¹ Generale Missiven VI, pp. 668, 732, 846.

¹⁰² Ross, Cape of Torments, pp. 96-118; K. Harris, "The Slave 'Rebellion' of 1808," Kleio (Pretoria) 20 (1988):54-65; Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa, pp. 120, 134; Armstrong and Worden, "The Slaves, 1652-1834," p. 161. See also the historical novel on the Bokkeveld uprising: A. Brink, Chain of Voices (London, 1982).

¹⁰³ For Ambon, see Generale Missiven V, pp. 26, 200, 298, 441, 512, 671, 822; VI, 18, 161, 601, 665, 844; G. E. Rumphius, De Ambonse Historie (The Hague, 1910), pp. 50, 71; Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 62-63, 229, 231, 308, 313, 341-42, 368-69, 466, 474-76, 562, 565, 592, 610, 616, 622, 633, 636, 642-43, 647, 652, 656-61, 663, 666, 672; Knaap, Kruidnagelen en Christenen, p. 134. For Banda, see Generale Missiven, IV, pp. 713-15; VI, pp. 190, 238, 479, 668, 732, 754, 846; Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën III, pp. 15, 88; Jacobs, Koopman in Azië, p. 26. For Batavia, see Generale Missiven IV, pp. 749, 777, 834; V, pp. 426, 490, 647; VI, pp. 102, 801-802, 827, 829, 841; Niemeijer, Calvinisme en Koloniale Stadscultuur, pp. 46, 266, 268, 269; De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 461-66; Abeyasekere, Jakarta, pp. 22-23; Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden," pp. 88-90. For the Cape, see N. Worden, "Revolt in Cape Colony Slave Society," unpublished paper presented at the International Conference on Slavery, Unfree Labour and Revolt in Asia and the Indian Ocean Region, University of Avignon, 4-6 October 2001; Ross, Cape of Torments, passim; Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa, pp. 119-37; Armstrong and Worden, "The Slaves, 1652-1834," pp. 157-62; Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, pp. 64-67; Biewinga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop, pp. 110-15. For Ceylon, see Generale Missiven VI, p. 623; Van Dam, Beschryvinge, p. 331; Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I, pp. 20, 62-63, 97-98, 109, 169-70, 191, 201, 234, 290, 293, 309-10.

¹⁰⁴ For the prevalence of escape in slave societies throughout the Indian Ocean region, see N. Alpers, "Flight to Freedom: Escape from Slavery among Bonded Africans in the Indian Ocean World, c. 1750-1962," unpublished paper presented at the Workshop on Slave Systems in Asian and the Indian Ocean, University of Avignon, May 2000.

¹⁰⁵ Moree, A Concise History of Dutch Mauritius, p. 31; Ross, Cape of Torments, pp. 54-72; Armstrong and Worden, "The Slaves, 1652-1834," pp. 157-60; Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa, pp. 123-28; Kaapsch Plakkaatboek II, pp. 159-60; Kieskamp, "De Wereld in één Land," pp. 79-80, 82. For a later period, see N. Penn, Rogues, Rebels and Runaways: Eighteenth-Century Cape Characters (Cape Town, 1999).

¹⁰⁶ L. Nagtegaal, Riding the Dutch Tiger: The Dutch East Indies Company and the Northeast Coast of Java, 1680-1743 (Leiden, 1996), pp. 72-77, 79; M. C. Ricklefs, War, Culture and Economy in Java, 1677-1726: Asian and European Imperialism in the Early Kartasura Period (Sydney, 1993), pp. 84 et seq.; A. Kumar, ed., Surapati, Man and Legend: A Study of Three Babad Traditions (Leiden, 1976); H. J. de Graaf, De Moord op Kapitein François Tack, 8 Febr. 1686 (Amsterdam, 1935); De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 442-43, 462.

¹⁰⁷ Generale Missiven V, pp. 200, 297, 512, 671, 822; idem, pp. 161, 601, 665, 844; G. J. Knaap, ed., Memories van Overgave van Gouverneurs van Ambon in de Zeventiende en Achttiende Eeuw, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Kleine serie 62 (The Hague, 1987), pp. 91, 93, 251, 282-83, 289-90, 303; Valentijn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 62-63, 229, 231, 313, 341-42, 368-69, 636, 642-43, 652, 657, 660-61, 663, 666, 672.

¹⁰⁸ Generale Missiven IV, pp. 713, 714-15; VI, pp. 190, 238; Valentijn, Beschryvinge III, p. 15; Knaap ed., Memories van Overgave, pp. 90-91.

¹⁰⁹ Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I, pp. 109, 169-70, 201, 290, 399; Van Dam, Beschryvinge, p. 331.

¹¹⁰ Various theories have been postulated to explain why fugitive slaves were often subjected to these harsh punishments: fears that maroon activity could portend loss of control over large and potentially dangerous servile populations, reflection of colonial paranoia and racism, a major component of class exploitation, or evidence that coercion was the glue that held these fragmented societies together.